Ethnicity and chieftaincy struggles in Sierra Leone : A threat to national security

Ethnic politics and chieftaincy struggle in Sierra Leone – A threat to national unity

By Alusine Mansaray

Ethnic politics and traditional chieftaincy struggles have long shaped the socio-political landscape of Sierra Leone. The ongoing crisis in Gorama Mende Chiefdom is a striking example of how deeply entrenched political allegiances and tribal affiliations can fuel conflicts, threatening national cohesion.

At the heart of this crisis is a growing division between the Muslim community, which supports the deposed Paramount Chief Gassama, and the Wonde Secret Society, backing the caretaker Paramount Chief Kallon. Both families have Mandingo ancestry but have been integrated into the Mende ethnic group at different historical periods – one more recently and the other in a more distant past.

If this dispute is not carefully managed, it risks evolving into a broader struggle between the Mende-Mandingo Gassama family and the Mandingo-Mende Kallon family.

This crisis reflects a wider pattern where traditional institutions are entangled with political interests, a dangerous trend that has influenced national elections, such as the ethnic conflict in Biriwa Chiefdom that affected the 2018 elections. To fully grasp the risks posed by such disputes, we must analyse how ethnic and political divisions have shaped Sierra Leone since independence in 1961.

At independence, Sierra Leone inherited a fragmented political landscape shaped by British colonial policies that had favoured some ethnic groups over others. The two dominant political parties reflected these divisions.

The Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), founded in 1951, was largely supported by the Mende ethnic group in the Southern and Eastern Provinces and was seen as the political voice of the traditional ruling class.

The All People’s Congress (APC), formed in 1960 by Siaka Stevens, drew its base from the Temne and Limba ethnic groups in the North and Western Areas. The APC positioned itself as a grassroots party opposed to the SLPP’s dominance.

Although the first Prime Minister, Sir Milton Margai (Photo above), attempted to maintain national unity, ethnic favouritism soon emerged. When Milton died in 1964, his half-brother Albert Margai took over and was accused of openly favouring the Mende people, alienating Northerners, and prompting the rise of ethicised opposition politics.

Siaka Stevens (Photo below) took power in 1968 after a military coup removed Albert Margai. Stevens ruled with an iron fist, suppressing political opposition, eliminating multi-party democracy in 1978, and consolidating power in the North. His government prioritized the Temne and Limba ethnic groups, while the Mende, who were associated with the SLPP, faced political and economic exclusion.

 

When Joseph Saidu Momoh took over in 1985, his weak leadership, economic mismanagement, and failure to address national grievances deepened regional and ethnic resentments, laying the foundation for the civil war.

The 11-year civil war, which lasted from 1991 to 2002, was not explicitly ethnic but was fuelled by economic disparities and political exclusion. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF) exploited grievances, particularly in the Mende-dominated South and East, where many felt abandoned by the APC government.

The consequences of the war were devastating, leading to the collapse of state institutions, the destruction of traditional leadership structures, and increased ethnic mistrust.

Many paramount chiefs were displaced or killed, leaving power vacuums that persist to this day. The war ended in 2002, but deep-seated ethnic and political divides remained, shaping post-war governance.

In the post-war period, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah (Photo) of the SLPP won the 2002 elections with a message of national unity and reconciliation.

His government focused on rebuilding the country, but ethnic favouritism persisted, with the SLPP favouring Mende-dominated areas for development projects.

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